It is a reference to the 1992 National Drug Control Strategy—produced after the Reagan Presidency. Yet, I hardly know where to begin. Bourgeois law protects property relations and not social relationships…. Once arrested, defendants are generally denied meaningful legal representation and pressured to plead guilty whether they are or not. Entire sections including their title! As a criminal, you have scarcely more rights, and arguably less respect, than a black man living in Alabama at the height of Jim Crow.
All of us violate the law at some point in our lives. The reality, however, was that most Southern whites were desperate to find ways to keep profiting from the free labor of former slaves and ensure that the black population continued to be violently oppressed. Most people who read this book are not good with numbers 2. Then came Ronald Reagan, who described welfare fraud, and whipped up racist panic about crack babies, crack heads, gangbangers. That said, the contradictive operations in the conceptual framework of The New Jim Crow reveal a more comprehensive counterrevolutionary function, in addition to an especially sophisticated type of cognitive dissonance.
We have 760 per 100,000, the Soviets had ~800. Intention is expressed in what we say about what we want. Where to start with this? The complete comprehensive information is in the March 21, 2013 version. That was King's dream - a society that is capable of seeing each of us, as we are, with love. The opinions expressed are those of the writer.
The behavioral purpose was coherent and deadly: the short term destruction of Black communities through the introduction of crack cocaine and associated criminality; and the long term political disenfranchisement of Black citizens through legislation that denies voting and a range of other fights to drug crime felons. As a white man who had been active in the southern civil rights movement in the 1960s, and as an attorney who represented a black man on California's death row for two decades, I thought I was familiar with the contemporary history of racism in America and with the terrible developments in criminal law that have laid waste to our constitutional rights. For years, we've been chanting that black and brown folks can't catch a break in the system. That's a pretty big claim, huh? President Ronald Reagan escalated these efforts, pouring even more money into federal drug control agencies while vastly expanding the power and incentive of the police in tackling drug crime. The new undercaste in other words is no accident; it is imposed subservience- slavery - by other means. She ignores that history of struggle to maintain a liberal tone, tiptoeing cautiously, trying to pull the liberal middle-class left further left without alienating them.
Occam's Razor, though, is a tool of common sense. The only criticism I have is that in her initial summary of the chapter contents, she seems to often have simply copied key sentences word for word, which is rather annoying, but minimal and easily forgotten. What kinds of work by what kind of writers or figures never get cited by this book, even though they so many of them cover so much of the same ground before it and much better? {Michelle Alexander will present her work at an event beginning at 6 p. One small conviction can sentence a person to life-long penury, marking them as a criminal forever and making them far more likely to turn to crime to survive. Asked for reaction on the redacted Scendis Report and why its contents as well as the sworn Jensen declaration appear at odds with Cingular executives' public comments on the report and the discrimination lawsuits, Cingular declined to comment. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2006.
The fact that the meaning of race may evolve over time or lose much of its significance is hardly a reason to be struck blind. While this is not a light book by any means—in discussing the history of race and class struggles in America, how could it be? Yet there are people in the United States serving life sentences for first-time drug offenses, something virtually unheard of anywhere else in the world. When they get out they are not really free, hard to find a job if not I'm possible, stripped of their rights, they turn back to crime. It is a powerful read, well worth the time and emotional energy. Before the 1960s the black American identity though no one ever used the word was based on our common humanity, on the idea that race was always an artificial and exploitive division between people. But I know, after reading what Michelle Alexander wrote in her preface, that this book is for me; I am the audience she had in mind.
Without a holistic understanding of our current situation, we will be doomed to repeat inherited oppressive patterns and will never fully heal or move on. Phelps in the Los Angeles Times on Friday, January 31, 2014. I don't even know where to start. Every American should be required to read this, to attempt to understand how mass incarceration has devastated black communities, how the War on Drugs is a tool of racial oppression, and particularly how indifference and apathy are often more dangerous than outright maliciousness when it comes to the oppression of minority particularly black communities. Through a series of anecdotes accompanied by a steady drumbeat of statistics, Alexander makes a compelling case that one of the key pillars of the fruitless war on drugs is selective enforcement coupled with plea bargain-driven judicial railroading. It is this mark of Cain, the brand of the former felon, which Alexander claims is the tool that a racist society uses to turn young black men foolish enough to get involved in drugs into permanent members of the underclass. New York City Police Commissioner William Bratton asserts that it does.
First, through searches and seizures, and the dismantling of the 4th amendment. I imediately responded to her and said how can they be offended when the sign insults the only two blacks working here. Alexander also presses her reader to understand that, although legislation may ease pressure off of the most impacted, it is not going to be the way we end injustice. Yet, the New Jim Crow has serious limitations that, if ignored, will severely limit our ability to effectively combat the War on Drugs and the prison system. As long as it remains in tack it will need voices such as Michelle Alexander and others who will denounce its deleterious effects with respect to our so-called democracy. The book goes through the history, racist reas Find this and other Reviews at It took me two years to read this book. Sales have totaled some 175,000 copies after an initial hardcover printing of a mere 3,000, according to the publisher, the New Press.
Jim Crow represented the legitimization of anti-Black racism. From I've worked in the violence prevention sector for 12 years now, and I've recently started learning about the prison industrial complex. The greatest increase in funding for the War on Drugs took place during the Administration of: a Ronald Reagan, b Barack Obama, c George W. Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present. Wikipedia is not the place for such things. In the very beginning, Mrs.